We have launched a new version of this site. Visit our New Site to get the latest content and functionality updates.

PermalinkPrintable page

The Woman's Christian Temperance Union and Internationalism

By Ian Tyrrell

University of New South Wales

____________________________________

   The Woman's Christian Temperance Union was the largest and probably most important women's organization of the United States in the late nineteenth century. Unlike chief competitor groups such as the General Federation of Women's Clubs, it was religiously oriented and, unlike the Women's Clubs and the National Council of Women, it was a single organization, not an umbrella grouping. The WCTU's importance as an organization promoting temperance within the United States is well-known. Less well known is the extensive and pioneering international work that distinguished the WCTU.

   In 1876 the WCTU established the International Woman's Temperance Union at a convention of nationally prominent temperance groups—male, female and mixed-sex organizations—held to coincide with the Philadelphia Centennial International Exhibition. The meeting displayed the important role of international exhibitions from the time of London's Crystal Palace Exhibition in 1851 onward in developing internationalist sentiment. Though these exhibitions were primarily concerned with spreading international commerce, reform groups took the opportunity to publicize their own issues by holding meetings at which delegates from many countries could gather together. This was clearly indicated in the 1876 Philadelphia Centennial International Exhibition.[1]

   At the 1876 meeting, addresses were delivered, delegates passed resolutions in favor of abstinence from alcohol, drew up a constitution, and established contacts with leading temperance women in Britain and Canada. The aim was to "facilitate intelligent and concerted action" on alcohol-related questions. The participants' affirmation that the "interests of men and women are identical" and their wish to "increase the power of women" revealed their underlying urge toward women's emancipation. Yet this beginning for international temperance reform was hesitant and the break with the past not clear. The conference's image of women was rooted in domesticity as much as power, and its most overt political action was to petition Queen Victoria as "the model wife and mother of the world."[2]

   Other temperance groups had already established international bodies, and from these bodies some of the delegates came. One was the International Order of Good Templars, which drew men and women together in a loose federation of that fraternal order's institutions. This mixed-sex organization encouraged non-drinkers to join the group and drinkers to abstain from alcohol, but its approach through quasi-fraternal lodges was ritualistic, hierarchical, and inward-looking, not evangelical. The Order was motivated by the desire to establish club-like organizations as the foundations of temperance across national boundaries; but in the early 1870s its unity was fractured by disputes over whether African Americans should be admitted as delegates to the conventions. Nor did it give an outlet for women's separate leadership, though women were allowed to speak at its meetings, and Good Templar women such as the Englishwoman Jessie Forsyth traveled internationally in the 1870s to spread the Good Templar message. Some of these women, notably Charlotte Gray, became important early WCTU lecturers on the international stage.[3]

   The International Woman's Temperance Union of 1876 was not a coherent, unified organization. It aimed at a loose union of national societies in an "international" confederation rather than a globally focused society. For a decade, no further international meetings were held and the organization existed only on paper. During this period WCTU groups were established in India, the Cape Colony, and New South Wales, Australia, the latter in 1882, but these were only small independent societies until the American body took a decided turn in the mid-1880s towards vigorous international proselytizing.

   Despite its first, tentative international action in 1876, the WCTU had to wait until external circumstances and internal changes made the moment propitious for effective organizing across national boundaries. Not until the new president of the WCTU from 1879, Frances Willard, broadened the scope of WCTU work to include a variety of causes important to women did things change. Willard embraced a global vision in 1883 during a cross-country visit to California. Impressed with the possibilities of using California as a springboard for expansion to Asia, she got the National WCTU convention's agreement on a new organization that year. This is why the latter-day World's WCTU regards 1883 as its foundation date, although the organization was not officially launched with a constitution and officials until 1884.

   Underlying Willard's decision to embark on a global campaign for the emancipation of women from the evils of alcohol and sexual subordination were two major shifts in American moral reform. Both of them involved international influences. One was the missionary movement, the other the rise of other transnational non-government organizations that provided models and inspiration. Though American missionaries, including women, had been carrying the message of Christian salvation to non-Christian peoples since the time of the Rev. Adironam Judson's arrival in Burma with his wife, Ann Hasseltine Judson, in 1812, this American missionary work had relatively little impact in terms of gaining converts compared to the vast numbers of non-Christians in Asia and Africa. Indeed, by the 1870s, a vigorous revitalization of indigenous non-Christian faiths in Asia was underway, leading some missionary strategists to believe that their evangelistic endeavors had faltered. Moreover, the sheer numbers of American missionaries serving overseas remained small. In 1890, only about 900 U.S. missionaries were serving abroad, compared to over 3,000 by 1900. A second and related impulse was the re-emergence in both Britain and North America of religious revivals in the 1870s and 1880s. The work of the Chicago-based evangelist Dwight Moody produced a new burst of enthusiasm for missionary work and a rededication to missionary service. In Britain the Cambridge Seven—young university students and champion sportsmen—were inspired in the mid-1880s to go to China to begin new missionary work with the English-led China Inland Mission. These trans-Atlantic revivals spurred the formation in the United States of the Student Volunteer Movement for Foreign Missions to revitalize the church missionary societies with a non-denominational lay contribution of finances and personnel.[4]

   The change in temperance attitudes toward missions reflected the new revivalism. As a Methodist-centered organization in its early days, the WCTU was close to Moody's style of evangelism, and ideas of consecration (holiness) theology advanced in the trans-Atlantic revivals in the 1870s influenced the WCTU's rhetoric and practice. Holiness theology was non-denominational, and placed emphasis upon Christian living and example. Though predominantly led by Methodists, the WCTU was also non-denominational, a characteristic that garnered it additional Presbyterian, Quaker, and Congregational support. Millenarian missionary beliefs became another influence. Spurred by the ideas of an imminent Second Coming of Christ, religiously-oriented reformers sought to preach the gospel globally with renewed vigor.

   The emerging global—as opposed to "international"—vision of the World's WCTU operated in a transnational intellectual space derived from the missionary enterprise, including communication with American missionaries abroad who could provide points of contact to spread American ideas, and who could give advice on what should be done in the mission fields. Among the issues the WCTU repeatedly raised in the 1880s was the need to combat globally the use of drugs, including alcohol. Willard acknowledged the impact of "missionaries to the Orient," proposing to send temperance organizers to China, Japan, and Hawaii. She was spurred, she said, by "the magic transformation in the civilization of Japan" brought about by Protestant missionaries and the newly open nation's willingness to adopt Western customs such as temperance.[5] In this modernizing process of western penetration, she saw opportunities to enhance the global stature of the WCTU, a move that would fulfill earnest missionizing desires and enhance the movement's critical role within American reform as well.[6]

   The second impulse for the WCTU's interest in reform expansionism in the 1880s was secular, but it, too, reflected a growing internationalist consciousness and even a global ambition. The growth of international communications, particularly the steamship, railroads and telegraphic services, encouraged ideas in Europe of international agreement and exchanges of information. This impact occurred first on technical matters, and at a governmental level, such as sanitation reform, notably in the American case from 1881 when an international convention of government officials on sanitation met in Washington, D.C. The telegraph and postal services in the 1860s provided key examples of increased international cooperation by governments; then the internationalist idea spread to non-governmental reform causes under the umbrella of "humanitarianism." A host of expert and reform congresses that met bi- or triennially included international prison reform congresses from 1872; the campaign in Europe against the contagious diseases acts, led by the English clergyman's wife Josephine Butler (1877); and the International Congresses against Alcoholism, with the first held in Belgium in 1885.[7] The second half of the 1870s saw a pronounced spurt in the founding of international non-governmental organizations in Europe, and a second spurt occurred in the second half of the 1880s, coinciding with the WCTU's entry on the world stage.

   A further stimulus was the growth of foreign interest in WCTU work being done in the United States. While this interest initially came mainly from Europe, the colonies of the British Empire also participated. Linkages between temperance women across the Atlantic were established in the 1870s. British women such as Margaret Parker (p. 11) of Scotland visited the United States and observed the WCTU in its early days of operation in 1875; Parker invited American speakers to return the visit across the Atlantic. One of the originators of the Woman's Crusade that picketed saloons throughout the American Midwest in 1873—74, Eliza Stewart, agreed, and campaigned against alcohol in Britain in 1876, aiding, in the process, the establishment of the British Women’s Temperance Association (BWTA).[8]

   Important among these trans-Atlantic linkages were the networks of the Society of Friends (Quakers). Through their role in trans-Atlantic trade and their highly mobile profile and contacts with each other, the Quakers had provided important transnational contacts for the anti-slavery movement.[9] After the end of slavery, their work in humanitarianism shifted to prison reform, anti-prostitution and temperance work. For the temperance women, the most important contact with this network came from Hannah Whitall Smith. Though raised as a Quaker, she became prominent in the 1870s evangelical revivals, adopting and proselytizing holiness doctrines among Methodists. As such she emerged as a cross-Atlantic conduit for relations between Quakers and Methodists, the most important Protestant denomination in the WCTU. From the early 1880s, Smith was a close confidante of Frances Willard. In 1887 she aided the publication of William T. Hornaday’s Free Rum on the Congo , a work that used missionary testimony to attack the alcohol trade with Africa. Smith also became an official of the BWTA, and a friend of Lady Henry Somerset, its most important leader. She accompanied fellow Quaker Margaret Bright Lucas, President of the BWTA, to the United States in 1886 where, at Minneapolis, the British and American reform leaders symbolically joined hands and proclaimed an Anglo-American struggle for global temperance.

   The founding of the World's WCTU needs to be put in these contexts of missions, international organizations to emulate, prior reform networks and trans-Atlantic religious ideas and innovations. Through these spurs, the WCTU was connected to the growth of "internationalism." Authors, notably William T. Stead, the influential English editor of the Review of Reviews, developed self-conscious ideas of "internationalism " by which they meant the cooperation of nations or nation-based reform groups to improve society religiously or in a secular humanitarian way. Stead and men like him in the United States, such as prohibitionist, sabbatarian and peace reformer Rev. Wilbur Fisk Crafts, saw internationalism as leading to world peace. Crafts was one of a number of reformers who believed that international understanding needed to be developed through the exchange of information on all manner of subjects, and through the creation of international societies to achieve this aim. He looked forward to what he called "uninational man" and worked with his wife, Sara Timanus Crafts, to teach and spread interest in Esperanto as a way of enhancing international understanding. Sara Crafts became World's WCTU Superintendent of Sunday School Work, and linked her husband's work for international reform with that of the WCTU.[10]

   This internationalism was possible because of the global naval dominance of Great Britain. Reformers in both North America and Britain assumed a benevolent and pacific Britain, with its control of the seas and its role in the spread of the telegraph system around the world, would promote global unity. The naiveté of this viewpoint was exposed brutally in the world war that began in 1914, but the practice of pacifism became a long-standing and serious commitment in the WCTU before this time as part of the late nineteenth- century internationalist sentiment. The noted Maine Quaker, Hannah Clark Bailey, became Superintendent of the WCTU Peace Department, whose work was practiced in WCTU affiliates abroad.[11] The closely related Department of Mercy Work was devoted to the prevention of cruelty to animals and tapped the growing antivivisection movement in Britain and the United States. It, too, was led in the 1890s by a Quaker, Mary Lovell, of Philadelphia.

   It is important to note that the WCTU embarked on a global campaign and claimed to establish a "World's," not an "international" WCTU. This terminological shift was one of the key contributions of the WCTU to American reform movements' outlook. Internationalism connoted an association of independent nation states. To be sure, the WCTU had these representative national units within it, but the establishment of "World" superintendents of departments of work and world missionaries —who were responsible to the central office yet drawn from any country, without respect to nationality or culture—was the key to the globalization of the temperance movement. The idea was later copied by other organizations, and the aim of global prohibition eventually adopted as part of the World League against Alcoholism sponsored by the Anti-Saloon League of America from 1919. This globalism within the WCTU was different from European organizations and congresses that were typically cast under the older term of internationalism. American organizations such as the YWCA copied the descriptor "World's," to signify the same global and ecumenical ambition.

   Underlining the growth of internationalist sentiment was the growth of a global technology: The spread of timetabled rail and steamship routes was important in allowing efficient and speedy travel for reform delegates attending overseas congresses, and for their round-the-world missionary endeavours. Equally important was the rise of the telegraph. Begun in the United States in 1844, the telegraph soon spread in Europe and just after the Civil War across the Atlantic. By 1870, the international telegraph connections had gone as far as Singapore. The laying of the All-Red Line from Australia to Vancouver, BC, from 1896 to 1902, completed the round-the-world cable link. Supplemented by the San Francisco to Manila Pacific cable connection in 1903 the United States was fully tied into the global circulation network. Though military people saw the cable as vital to national security and traders salivated at improved knowledge of the movements of prices and commodities, reformers rejoiced at the possibilities for international moral action, and hailed a growing global consciousness that speedy communications by rail and telegraph cable allowed. As Frances Willard put it, the sudden growth of temperance versions of internationalism "ran along the electric wires that connect human hearts," making, for example, the conversion of a man in Indiana contingent upon inspiration received from Christian women missionaries in China.[12]

   Armed with this global vision derived from technological example and moral imperatives, the World's WCTU grew into a more cohesive force than older international organizations. It developed a bureaucratic structure at a "World" level and a missionary force allied to or responsible to no one country. On the basis of its innovative global approach, the WCTU expanded into more than forty countries and its dues-paying membership climbed past three-quarters of a million by the 1920s. Its work promoted such secular causes as woman's suffrage and higher wages for women workers, as well as moral and religious campaigns ranging from temperance to anti-gambling and anti-prostitution. Forming a Temperance and Missions Department, the WCTU cooperated closely with missionaries, while sending its own round-the-world missionaries beginning in 1884. From San Francisco on to Hawaii, Japan, Australia, New Zealand, India, Africa, and beyond went Mary C. Leavitt. She remained abroad, undertaking a long and solitary journey around the globe until 1891. Along the way she preached temperance and organized affiliates. Protestant evangelical church missionaries in China, India, Japan, and Africa as well as the Pacific islands were receptive to her message.[13] A second American missionary, Jessie Ackermann, circumnavigated the globe several times for the World's WCTU, and spent nearly four years in Australia and China.[14] She was honored with the presidency of the Australasian Woman's Christian Temperance Union, 1891-94, even though she was an American citizen. Other Americans who served included Dr. Katherine Bushnell, who, with Elizabeth Wheeler Andrew, made anti-prostitution and white slavery key fields of action.[15] Another, Susan Barney, made five overseas tours as a World's WCTU lecturer, working predominantly on prison reform. The union did not rely solely on Americans for its missionaries, however. Britain (Christine Tinling), New Zealand (Mrs Anderson Hughes-Drew), and Australia (Bessie Cowie), were among the nations that supplied prominent workers, and the WCTU also used as temperance lecturers women from India, China, Iceland, Denmark, Sweden, Syria and Armenia, then a part of the Ottoman Empire. The society attempted to become a multinational, multi-ethnic force.[16]

   The WCTU placed great emphasis on extending its work into these and other non-western societies. This effort often involved the use of American and other missionaries as contact points in Japan, Korea, China, the Philippines and India, which were the major places that the WCTU penetrated in the non-western world. In India the WCTU worked together with British women missionaries and was sympathetic with the moderate expressions of Indian nationalism emerging there by the time of World War I. But the Indian union campaigned mostly against the licensing of alcohol and opium as major sources of government revenue for the British raj.[17] In Japan, the World's WCTU "introduced Japanese women to modern methods of forming and managing a volunteer women's organization." In 1894, local societies "coalesced into Japan's first national women's voluntary organization, the Japan WCTU (Nihon kirisutokyō fujin kyōfūkai)." This organization campaigned against the licensed prostitution system and worked for other moral causes such as opposition to juvenile cigarette smoking.[18] But not until its leaders accommodated to Japanese nationalism by serving the Imperial Army in the Russo-Japanese war did the Union have much success. The World's WCTU also expanded its work into Latin America. Though Mary Leavitt had visited South America in 1891, work expanded especially from 1917 when an American, Hardynia Norville, became World's WCTU missionary to South America.

   The World's WCTU undertook concrete work that could instill a global identity in women. Recognizing in 1885 that women could not vote but could attest their moral commitment, temperance women undertook a ten-year petitioning campaign to raise women's consciousness of collective identity and injury. The work for the Polyglot Petition gathered support against the use of drugs and alcohol, and gave women a sense of definite activity in countries where they lacked elementary rights of citizenship. A deputation first presented the petition, weighing 1,400 pounds, to President Grover Cleveland in February 1895, with 1.1 million signatures physically mounted and numerous additional names to be added. The WCTU claimed seven million signatures and proxy signatures by attestations of sympathetic societies worldwide.[19]

   The petition was the brainchild of Frances Willard. Beginning in 1880, her "Do-Everything" policy allowed the WCTU to grow rapidly by appealing to women whose interests extended beyond temperance. The WCTU became an umbrella network attracting people interested in a wide range of moral reform issues linked to temperance commitment. Scientific Temperance Legislation, based on the idea that health and fitness would flow from abstinence, and that medical "science" backed the temperance cause, flourished under WCTU auspices in many countries.[20]

   The WCTU created a model for organizational reform that could be copied or adapted across national boundaries. It borrowed the idea of "departments" of work from business and encouraged specialization with "superintendents" appointed to coordinate work in each area, from flower missions to kindergartens to Sabbath observation to anti-narcotic work. Youth work could also be fitted into this pattern through the WCTU's Loyal Temperance Legion (for young people).[21] The WCTU pursued its own moral bureaucratization process that operated hierarchically with local and state levels reporting upward to the national and world's unions. These reporting requirements encouraged the collection of statistics that would show progress, and the statistics could be used to define where organizers and round-the-world missionaries should be sent. The system that the WCTU established was widely copied by competitor and companion groups, such as the Young People's Society of Christian Endeavor. That group, combining both male and female children, youths and young adults in its ranks, was similarly non-denominational, and had parallel slogans and rituals. Because it did not trespass into controversial areas such as women's suffrage, Christian Endeavor had a blander feel about it, however.[22]

   The WCTU began from 1880 to support women's suffrage. This marked a break with conservative attitudes in some respects, because it involved the equality of women in a key area of the public sphere. Willard couched the debate for women's suffrage initially through the idea of "home protection." Women, Willard argued, needed the franchise to protect homes by voting for good men who would ban alcohol. The WCTU's support of suffrage was carried internationally. Mary Leavitt distributed pamphlets promoting women's suffrage when she toured New Zealand in 1885, and the New Zealand WCTU, founded in the same year, led the agitation that won New Zealand women the right to vote in 1893. The arguments used mixed principled points and the need to allow women's maternal domestic impulses to flourish in the public arena so as to make society more moral. Kate Shepherd, the New Zealand WCTU leader, emphasized that women deserved the right to vote on grounds of equal justice as well as expediency.[23]

   This was the first "national" victory for women's suffrage (New Zealand was a self-governing colony within the British empire, and is usually given this "first" even though its sovereign status, like that of Canada and Australia, was not secured until the Statute of Westminster, 1926). In Australia and Britain, too, the WCTU affiliates became strong supporters of women's suffrage. The World's WCTU, therefore, was an important vehicle for the channeling of women's suffrage reform on an international level. Carrie Chapman Catt, who joined the Iowa branch of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union, and later become head of its suffrage section in 1887, rose in 1904 to the position of President of the International Woman's Suffrage Alliance. She held this post until 1923.

By the first few decades of the twentieth century, the WCTU had become important in developing global interchanges and moving beyond a purely Euro-American focus. Its turn-of-the-twentieth-century work in Hawaii, Japan and the west coast of the United States was also instrumental in paving the way "for surging international endeavors among women in the Pacific region during the interwar years."[24] Internationalism after World War I broadly followed the model of the 1880s, but became more secularized. The Pan Pacific Women's congresses held from 1928 until interrupted by the Second World War included delegates from the WCTUs of the United States and Japan.[25]

   Though many historians argue that the WCTU faded in importance after the death of Willard in 1898, it remained an important part of the coalition working for prohibition in the United States and abroad. In fact, the organization's numbers grew after World War I, precisely in response to the polarization of opinion over prohibition.[26] But issues such as anti-gambling, opposition to premarital sex and the depiction of sex and smoking on film became ones that identified the WCTU increasingly with old fashioned, anti-modernist views in the 1920s, an era when the young in the United States and Britain were throwing off inhibitions about morals.

   With the formation of the World League against Alcoholism in 1919, the World's WCTU was drawn even more into international work, sending organizers in the early 1920s to many countries to support the World League's objective of emulating the Volstead Act (legislating the prohibition of the sale of alcoholic beverages in the United States) on a global level. After 1925, the hopes for global prohibition faded, and the WCTU became heavily preoccupied with trying to defend prohibition on a national level in the United States. Yet the organization still supported social welfare measures, such as maternal and child welfare, and women's citizenship issues. It also took part in Carrie Chapman Catt's Committee on the Cause and Cure of War.[27] The WCTU's objectives had narrowed but it still maintained a social and global agenda until the end of national prohibition in the United States in 1933. The organization continued, however, and regularly held world's conventions until the 1990s.[28]

   Further reading:

   Ian Tyrrell, Reforming the World: The Creation of America's Moral Empire (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2010); Ian Tyrrell, Woman's World/Woman's Empire: The Woman's Christian Temperance Union in International Perspective, 1880-1930 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1991); Ruth Bordin, Frances Willard: A Biography (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1986); Rumi Yasutake, "The first wave of international women's movements from a Japanese perspective: Western outreach and Japanese women activists during the interwar years," Women's Studies International Forum, 32 (January-February 2009), 13-20; Elizabeth Dorn Lubin, Reforming Japan: The Woman's Christian Temperance Union in the Meiji Period. Asian Religions and Society Series (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 2010); Manako Ogawa, "The 'White Ribbon League of Nations' Meets Japan: The Trans-Pacific Activism of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union, 1906-1930," Diplomatic History, 31 (January 2007), 21-50; Patricia Grimshaw, Women's Suffrage in New Zealand (Auckland: Auckland University Press, revised edition 1987 [1972]).

____________________________________

Notes

[1] See, for example, Centennial Temperance Volume: A Memorial of the International Temperance Conference, held in Philadelphia, June, 1876. With the specially-prepared essays, addresses of foreign delegates, deliberations ... etc. (New York, 1877).

[2]Centennial Temperance Volume, pp. 400, 401.

[3] David Fahey, Temperance and Racism: John Bull, Johnny Reb, and the Good Templars (Lexington, KY: University Press of Kentucky, 1996); David Fahey, ed., The Collected Writings of Jessie Forsyth, 1847-1937: The Good Templars and Temperance Reform on Three Continents (Lewiston, N.Y.: Edwin Mellen Press, 1988).

[4] See Ian Tyrrell, Reforming the World: The Creation of America's Moral Empire (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2010).

[5] See Rumi Yasutake, " How Did American and Japanese Gender Hierarchies Shape Japanese Women's Participation in the Transnational WCTU Movement in the 1880s?" in Women and Social Movements in the United States, 1600-2000, 13:1 (March 2009), accessible online.

[6] Tyrrell, Reforming the World, p. 75.

[7] See Mark Lawrence Schrad, The Political Power of Bad Ideas: Networks, Institutions, and the Global Prohibition Wave (New York: Oxford University Press, 2010), chap. 2.

[8] Ian Tyrrell, Woman's World/Woman's Empire: The Woman's Christian Temperance Union in International Perspective, 1880-1930 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1991), p. 18 and passim.; Margaret Barrow, "British Women's Temperance Association," in Alcohol and Temperance in Modern History, eds., Jack S. Blocker, David Fahey, and Ian Tyrrell, 2 vols. (Santa Barbara: ABC-CLIO, 2003), 1: 114-16.

[9] See the essay in this database, "Women, Anti-slavery and Internationalism," by Clare Midgley.

[10] Wilbur Crafts, A Primer of the Science of Internationalism with Special Reference to University Debates (Washington, D.C.: International Reform Bureau, 1908), 9.

[11] Ellen S. Taylor, Gleanings on the Subject of Peace and Arbitration. 3rd ed. (Winthrop Centre, Maine: Mrs. H. J. Bailey, 1907).

[12] Quoted in Tyrrell, Reforming the World, 27.

[13] In addition to Leavitt's, Report Made to the First Convention of the World, see also Esther Pugh, Genesis of the World's W.C.T.U..

[14] Ackermann, Miss Jessie A., In American Women - Fifteen Hundred Biographies with over 1,400 Portraits: A Comprehensive Encyclopedia of the Lives and Achievements of American Women During the Nineteenth Century, Vol. I, ed. by Frances E. Willard and Mary A. Livermore. (New York, N.Y.: Mast, Crowell & Kirkpatrick, 1897), pp. 4-5.

[15] Andrew and Dr. Kate Bushnell, Opium and Vice: Recent Personal Investigations; Andrew, and Dr. Katharine Bushnell, Reply of Dr. Katharine Bushnell and Mrs. Elizabeth Andrew.

[16] Tyrrell, Woman's World/ Woman's Empire, chaps. 2-5.

[17] Enoch C. Wines, Report on the International Penitentiary Congress of London, held July 3—13, 1872 (Washington, DC: International Penal and Prison Congress, 1873), 179.

[18] Rumi Yasutake, "The first wave of international women's movements from a Japanese perspective: Western outreach and Japanese women activists during the interwar years," Women's Studies International Forum, 32 (January-February 2009), 13-20; see also Yasutake, " How Did American and Japanese Gender Hierarchies Shape Japanese Women's Participation in the Transnational WCTU Movement in the 1880s?"; see also Anna A. Gordon, Madame Kaji Yajima, Peace Pilgrimage to America.

[19] Tyrrell, Reforming the World, 76; Tyrrell, Woman's World/ Woman's Empire, 39-43. A quick search of WASM International indicates 29 references in its documents to the Polyglot Petition.

[20] Mary Hannah Hunt, Reply to the Physiological Subcommittee.

[21] Anna A. Gordon, Marching Songs for Young Crusaders.

[22] Christopher Lee Coble, "Where Have All the Young People Gone? The Christian Endeavor Movement and the Training of Protestant Youth, 1881—1918" (Th.D. diss., Harvard University, 2001). For an example of the WCTU's work with children, see Temperance Songs for Children.

[23] See especially Patricia Grimshaw, Women's Suffrage in New Zealand (Auckland: Auckland University Press, revised edition 1987 [1972]).

[24] Yasutake, "First wave of international women's movements from a Japanese perspective," 13-20.

[25] Fiona Paisley, Glamour in the Pacific: Cultural Internationalism and Race Politics in the Women's Pan-Pacific (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2009), 40. See also Paisley's essay in this database, "A Geneva in the Pacific: Reflecting on the First Three Decades of the Pan-Pacific and South East Asia Women's Association (PPSEAWA)".

[26] WWCTU, Report of the Tenth Convention; Report of the Eleventh Convention; Report of the Twelfth Convention.

[27] For more on the Committee, see the essay by Denise Ireton, also in this database .

[28] Edith Kirkendall Stanley, Ten Decades of White Ribbon Service, 1883-1983; WWCTU, Thirty-Fifth Report and Minutes of the Thirty-Third Convention.