By Jennifer Tomás
Piedmont Virginia Community College
The International Council of Women of the Darker Races of the World was conceived in the mind of Margaret Murray Washington, Tuskegee educator and third wife of Booker T. Washington, in 1920. Never a large organization, its original 18 members were African American women of considerable prominence. The most notable and active members were Washington, Addie Hunton, Addie Dickerson, Mary Church Terrell, Nannie Helen Burroughs, Mary McLeod Bethune, Maggie L. Walker, and Lugenia Burns Hope. These women were all prominent club women, educators, and civic activists in the National Association of Colored Women, the National Association of Negro Women, the Y.W.C.A., the National Association of Colored Women's Clubs, and the N.A.A.C.P., among other civic and religious organizations. The ICWDR remained an elite organization throughout its life. Membership was by election, restricted to African American "women who have done a definite and outstanding piece of work," and required annual dues of $20 per year. These policies enabled the group to use the networks of pre-existing organizations to work toward their goals. Ultimately, however, the Council's exclusivity may have been a factor that led to the group's stagnation and demise as its aging membership was not refreshed with new recruits in the late 1930s. Moreover, its members directed their energies more fully to participation in these other national organizations.
At its height the ICWDR appears to have had 41 members of U.S. nationality and less than a half dozen documentable members from other nations. The group seems to have been most active in the middle 1920s but that impression may be the result of the dwindling trail of evidence from 1929 forward when Addie Dickerson led the Council. Dickerson did not leave any collection of papers to posterity. Nevertheless, limited clues to her expanded vision for the ICWDR during the 1930s do exist. The ICWDR had three presidents over the course of its twenty- year history. These were Margaret Murray Washington (1922-1925), Addie Hunton (1925-1928), and Addie Whiteman Dickerson (1929-1940). Hunton and Dickerson were active in international activities and conferences through the Women's International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF). When Dickerson passed away in 1940 no new volunteer presented herself to take up the work of the group.
The ICWDR produced and approved its constitution at its second annual meeting held at Nannie Burrough's National Training School for Women and Girls in Washington, D.C., August 5-7, 1923. The document gave the Council's main purpose as "the dissemination of knowledge of peoples of color the world over in order that there may be a larger appreciation of their history and accomplishments and that they themselves may have a greater degree of respect for their own accomplishments and a greater pride in themselves." ICWDR members were race women with an international bent. Their strategy was to develop study programs about people of color. Though largely concerned with women and children of the African diaspora, the ICWDR also took an interest in the history and culture of all peoples of color throughout the world, at times including China, Japan, and India in their planned courses of study. They did so despite their awareness that members of these other races may not have wished to have been "affiliated with us…the American Negro." They consciously positioned themselves as women of the "darker races," as well as women of African descent. By linking themselves rhetorically to other races they demonstrated an expansive racial consciousness in which they were certain that the time would come "when the American Negro will be regarded quite as decent as either of these races [Japanese and Hindoos (sic)]." Though the main project of the ICWDR was the development of local study groups and curricular materials focused on the history, literature and culture of people of African descent for national distribution, on several occasions they reached out to the women and children of the diaspora in Haiti, Liberia, and Sierra Leone.
The ICWDR did not maintain a central office and records of its activities are sparsely scattered in the papers of individual members. Historical scholarship on the group is therefore limited by the paucity of records.The most complete statements on the organization come from historians Michelle Rief and Lisa Materson. Materson argues that the ICWDR served as a transitional site in which African American women internationalists combined an older tradition of racial uplift and civilizing work with the newer perspective that, globally viewed, racism against people of the darker races was part of a "shared history of oppression" by European and American imperialists. As an example of their transitional thinking she contrasts the 1922 study of conditions of women and children in Haiti done by ICWDR- sponsored Emily Williams (of Tuskegee Institute) with that conducted jointly by ICWDR president Addie Hunton and Emily Greene Balch in 1927 under the sponsorship of the Women's International League for Peace and Freedom. In Williams's correspondence with Margaret Washington she speaks of the Haitians living "as in darkest Africa" and in need of Tuskegee-trained educators to lift them up to a higher standard . Hunton's report five years later contained none of this civilizing mission language and focused instead on the conditions under which women and children lived as a result of the ongoing American occupation of Haiti. Materson's central argument is that though the ICWDR did not really develop many international connections or do much concrete work on behalf of women of the darker races, the group's ideas about the connections between race, imperialism, global peace and justice prefigured second-wave women of color's concept of a shared internal colonization by white societies, their common identity and struggles as members of the non-white world, and the perceived need for women of color around the world to work together. Materson suggests that the ICWDR was an early example of how African American women began to situate "their efforts to undermine American racism within larger global processes of racism, imperialism, and eventually decolonization."
The women in the ICWDR thus tried to identify themselves with all women of the darker races who had been the victims of European and American racism so they could cultivate them as allies in the global struggle against racism. Their use of the term "darker races" was borrowed from Pan-Africanists, most notably from W. E. B. Du Bois, who called on non-whites around the world to challenge their exploitation by European powers and those of European descent. 
Michelle Rief's 2003 dissertation and 2004 article in the Journal of African American History partially reconstruct the activities and ideas of the ICWDR by piecing together the frustratingly scant materials available on the group and by analyzing the work and writings of its key members. Most of this work and writing was completed under the auspices of their other institutional affiliations, particularly the National Association of Colored Women and the Women's International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF). Rief suggests that the ICWDR was an outgrowth of African American women's increasing efforts to publicize the plight of Black Americans in international venues and their involvement in international movements like the Pan-African Movement and the international women's movement. For example in 1893, six African American women spoke before the five-year old International Council of Women at the World's Columbian and International Exposition in Chicago. These included Hallie Q. Brown, Frances Ellen Watkins Harper, Fannie Barrier Williams, Anna Julia Cooper, Fannie Jackson Coppin, and Sarah J. Early. Anti-lynching crusader Ida B. Wells-Barnett also attended the Columbian Exposition on her return from a speaking tour in England that year and wrote a scathing pamphlet titled, The Reason Why the Colored American is not in the World's Columbian Exposition. Mary Church Terrell, well-known educator, civic leader and clubwoman, famously addressed the International Council of Women meeting held in Berlin, Germany in 1904. Terrell's address brought the American race problem to the fore of the international women's movement.When the U.S. entered World War I, clubwomen Addie Hunton and Kathryn Johnson volunteered for the American Expeditionary Forces in order to serve enlisted African American soldiers. They then wrote about their experiences as Black women to expose the racial inequity they and the soldiers had experienced while serving their country abroad in a book titled Two Colored Women with the American Expeditionary Forces.
Other black clubwomen served as war volunteers through the Y.M.C.A., including Mary Talbert. These activists then parlayed their war work and club work into appointments as delegates to international conferences like W.E.B. Du Bois's 1919 Pan-African Conference held in Paris, the 1920 International Council of Women meeting in Norway, and the 1919 international women's peace conference held in Zurich in 1919. At this last meeting Mary Church Terrell was elected to give the American address (pp. 212-217 in the document, pp. 9-14 online) as one of the 15 American delegates from the Woman's Peace Party. Terrell recalled in her autobiography A Colored Woman in A White World, "there was not a single delegate from Japan, China, India or from any other country whose inhabitants were not white . . . . It was my privilege to represent, not only the colored women of the United States, but the whole continent of Africa, since I was the only one present at that meeting who had a drop of African blood in her veins. . . . It finally dawned on me that I was representing the women of all the non-white countries of the world."
Terrell's speech included the prediction that the world would never know peace "until the dark races are given a square deal."
Of these early African American women international activists, Terrell, Hunton, and Talbert were founding members of the ICWDR in 1922. So the ICWDR membership came out of a tradition that stretched back twenty years or more. Rief and Materson suggest that despite the rather limited efforts and results of the ICWDR its ideas lived on twenty years or more beyond its demise through the work of members Mary McLeod Bethune and Mary Jackson McCrorey who continued to incorporate a concern for women and children of African descent across the globe in the newly formed National Council of Negro Women after 1935. Given the limited sources directly detailing the work of the ICWDR during most of its history, though, most interpretations and conclusions about its impact are tentative at best.
But just what can we ascertain directly from existing historical records left by the ICWDR? From 1922 to 1925 under Washington's leadership the ICWDR met three times, as members conducted most of their business via mail. At their first meeting in 1922 they adopted as their slogan, "Better Homes, Better Schools, Better Churches and a Better Country," and boldly announced that as a group they stood for "justice and fair play for every woman of every land." In 1922 they helped fund Tuskegee educator Emily Williams's investigation into the status of women and children in Haiti Later they donated $100 to Adelaide Casely-Hayford's school for girls in Sierra Leone. In 1923 the group drafted and approved their constitution and elected a slate of officers. From 1922 forward the Council members began to organize independent study groups called committees of seven. The study groups comprised the work most closely linked to the ICWDR's constitutional mandate to promote fuller knowledge of Black history and Black people's pride in their history.
The "committees of seven" determined to educate themselves and others about women of darker races around the globe. Each study group operated independently. Some studied the "Negro problem in America," Africa, Haiti, or South America. Others studied Japan, China, or India. The goal was to create reading lists and develop curricular materials to suggest for adoption by school districts teaching predominantly African American students. None of these reading lists or curricular materials have turned up in the archives, so it is difficult to judge the impact of this effort. However, we do know that Washington led a study group at Tuskeegee Institute from 1922 until her death in 1925. Washington wrote in 1922, that she, Terrell, Nannie Helen Burroughs, and Addie Dickerson were working to design a course of study for the original group of 18 members on the American Negro since "the first law of nature is self-preservation." She identified a partial reading list that included White and Black by Hubert Anthony Shands (1922), The Soul of John Brown by Stephen Graham (1920), Thomas Stribling's, Birthright: a Novel (1922), and the works of historian Carter G. Woodson . The very same month Lugenia Burns Hope and Mary Jackson McCrorey wrote Washington enthusiastically about developing their own study groups and materials at the Neighborhood Union of the NACW, located in Atlanta, Georgia and at Biddle University in Charlotte, North Carolina.  Similarly, Addie Dickerson of Philadelphia wrote to Terrell of Washington's planned study program for the original 18 members asking for suggestions or an outline. Terrell did prepare an "Outline For a Study Program on Race Relations," and its impact on "Negroes" that may have been intended for use by the group in 1922 as they embarked on their ambitious study plan .
The group held its first preliminary meeting in Virginia in August 1922. A report in The Southern Workman in January 1923 confirms that this meeting took place. Michelle Rief suggests this meeting coincided with the annual meeting of the NACW in July and the members had very likely all attended this other meeting. An undated, unsigned copy of the report of this first gathering is also found in the papers of Mary Church Terrell. According to both versions of the report an initial slate of officers was elected, and a draft of the group's constitution was passed out to those in attendance. These included Washington, possibly Terrell, Mary Talbert, Addie Hunton, Addie Dickerson, Elizabeth Carter, Marie Josenberger, Nettie Langston Napier, Nannie Burroughs, Emily Williams, Lugenia Hope, and Charlotte Hawkins Brown of the Y.W.C.A. and the NACWC. A committee on education, headed by Carter and Hope, discussed plans being put in motion for the study groups which were to focus in the first year on American race relations. Mrs. Adelaide Casely-Hayford of Sierra Leone was made Vice President for Africa. 
The next, more foundational meeting was held at Nannie Helen Burroughs's National Training Institute for Girls and Women in Richmond, Virginia on August 5, 1923. It was at this meeting that the group finalized their constitution and again elected officers: Margaret Washington, president; Addie Hunton, first Vice-President; Mary Church Terrell, second Vice-President. Elizabeth Carter, an honorary president of the National Association of Colored Women's Clubs from New Bedford, Massachusetts was elected recording secretary. Marie Josenberger of Fort Smith, Arkansas, also of the NACWC, was chosen as treasurer. Mary Jackson McCrorey was chosen as recording secretary. Nannie Burroughs, Mary McLeod Bethune, and Mrs. Nettie L. Napier continued to serve on the executive committee. Emily Williams (wife of W. T. B. Williams of Tuskegee Institute) was appointed to chair the Section on Education. Lugenia Burns Hope headed up the Section for Social and Economic Conditions. Addie Dickerson was appointed to head the Section on International Relations. 
In 1924 the group met in Chicago for the third time with eleven members in attendance. New dues-paying members that year were Janie Porter Barrett, Emma Collins, Lucy Laring, Marian Wilkinson, and a Madame Holly from Haiti. A dozen new members were nominated for membership, including the prominent Sallie Stewart of the NCNW and Dr. Mary Waring. All nominees were accepted into the membership. At this meeting the group voted to send $100 to Adelaide Casely-Hayford's school for girls in Sierra Leone . Noticeably absent at this third meeting again was Mary Church Terrell. Margaret Washington wrote a brief letter to her detailing the meeting, asking her again to develop her own study group and reporting that her own group had studied the African continent during the prior year and was to study Japan in the fall of 1924. She closed by admonishing; "I am awfully sorry that you did not come either to the Council meeting on Saturday or to the public meeting which we held on Sunday. I did not ask you your reason for I kept hoping for you until the last minute, and I am not asking your reason now, because I know you must have had a very good reason to stay away from both meetings. At any rate, we are still claiming you as one of us, and we certainly shall do this until you tell us you are not going to be with us." The meeting minutes for that year reveal mostly mundane business matters were attended to, concerning the approval of new members and the production of letterhead. Letters from Adelaide Casely-Hayford, Addie Hunton, and Lugenia Hope were read. When new member Sallie Stewart asked what they should be doing between yearly meetings, Washington replied that they were to "work out their programs, submit them to the president and that each member would be asked to contribute such service to said committees as work warranted." 
In 1924, millionaire banker Maggie L Walker joined the ICWDR and wrote to Washington with enthusiasm that she would happily form a "Study Club" and invite seven women to participate in it.  Founding member Marie Josenberger reported that her own study group of "six lady teachers" was thriving. They were focusing on China and Japan and for each country they developed an outline that included historical facts, government, religion, customs, education, and foreign or international relations.  Similarly, Janie Porter Barrett reported that her study group was up and running. So far her club of teachers at the Virginia Industrial School for Colored Girls in Peak's Turnout, Virginia where she served as superintendent, had had a woman to speak to them about her time in Haiti. Their plans for 1925 included studying the women of China in April, the women of Africa in May and then after that the women of Japan. Porter Barrett's group dressed in the costume and served food of the people they were studying. Two members of the group led the program and each participant came prepared to share facts about the topic. 
By 1925, some members of the Council began to feel that it was not living up to its potential. In January Lugenia Hope wrote Washington urging her "to get busy" and make good on her "promise to give up her work at Tuskegee" so she could focus on making the Council "the greatest organization." Hope insisted that Washington had done nothing to what she could do and implored; "No one can do for this Council what you can do. . . . [Your husband] wanted for all people what we all want—what the Council wants, come out and "carry on."  In a less urgent entreaty, Nannie Burroughs wrote, before she learned of Washington's death on June 4, 1925, asking for help in sending study program information to African American students studying in white schools. She also suggested they try "to get out of the U.S." for their 1927 meeting, suggesting Paris or Brazil.
When Washington passed away, the presidency of the ICWDR passed to Addie Hunton. Hunton was born in Norfolk, Virginia and was the daughter of a successful Black businessman but grew up in Boston. She attended Spencerian College before going to teach at Alabama Agricultural and Mechanical College. She married William Alphaeus Hunton in 1893 who worked as a secretary for the Y.M.C.A. The couple moved to Brooklyn, New York and Hunton quickly became quite active in the Y.W.C.A. She also belonged to both the NAACP and the NACW. She later joined the WILPF and was one of very few African American women to hold office in that organization before World War II. Hunton was a founding member of the ICWDR. It would appear that during her presidency, Hunton's time was quite occupied with her work in the WILPF and other civic engagements. One of her accomplishments was to complete a joint investigation into race relations in U. S.-occupied Haiti as part of a six-member committee with Emily Green Balch. The investigation was conducted in 1926 and reported in a chapter of Occupied Haiti published in 1927. Hunton and the committee advocated the restoration of Haitian independence. Haitian independence held particular resonance with African Americans since it long represented a bastion of hope for the possibility of independent Black nations. The ICWDR's longstanding interest in Haiti is consistent with Hunton's travel to the nation. During this investigatory trip she presented herself as ICWDR president.
Hunton's continuing deep involvement with the WILPF and ICWDR may shed some light on why Mary Church Terrell seems not to have taken a very active part in the work of the Council.The lack of evidence for what part Terrell played in the work of the ICWDR stands out for the researcher since so much of the documentary evidence we have about the Council comes to us from letters sent to her as a member. Hunton and Terrell had a very serious personal confrontation in 1928 and 1929 over what Terrell perceived as a betrayal of confidence. In a 1928 conversation with her, Hunton claimed Terrell had criticized leading white members of the WILPF for practicing segregation by setting up interracial committees in local branches of the peace organization. These committees effectively segregated Black women within the organization rather than integrating them into the broader organizational structure of WILPF. Concerned, Hunton opened a dialogue with Jane Addams, Emily Greene Balch, and Mildred Scott Olmstead to try to get to the bottom of the matter. Terrell was angered by Hunton's revelation of their private conversation about the white peace activists and demanded that she retract and correct what she said was a misrepresentation of her statements. She hurriedly wrote letters disclaiming the insinuation that she had accused Olmstead and Balch of practicing racial segregation in WILPF. Terrell had in fact left WILPF in 1921 never to return to the organization and the organization did struggle with how best to incorporate Black women into their organizational structure. What might this have meant for Terrell's work with the ICWDR? Though she doesn't appear to have been particularly active in the ICWDR before her rift with Hunton, certainly after 1928, with Hunton serving as president, and later as honorary president, Terrell would have been even less inclined to participate. We don't have evidence to tell us what the ICWDR was up to between 1926 and 1928 but members may have kept up with their educational work through their study groups. By 1929, Hunton was succeeded by Addie Whiteman Dickerson of Philadelphia as president of the ICWDR.
Since Dickerson held the presidency of ICWDR for eleven years, more than half the lifespan of the ICWDR, a brief profile is in order. Such a profile can help us understand the kind of activists all the members were. We can begin to grasp the impact that their overlapping civic and business commitments had on their ability to do work for the ICWDR as these competed for their time and energy. Addie Whiteman was born into a well-to-do family in Wilmington, North Carolina in 1878. She attended Scotia Seminary (Scotia Women's College) and after her marriage to Philadelphia lawyer G. Edward Dickerson attended the Teacher's College of the University of Pennsylvania and, according to one source, Temple University for a time. Dickerson became the most well-known Black woman real estate broker in Philadelphia. She was active in the NACW, WILPF, the National Council of Church Women, and served as statistician for the Federation of Colored Women. She also served on school boards and advisory councils for Charlotte Hawkins Brown's Palmer Memorial Institute in Sedalia, North Carolina, and Bethune-Cookman College in the Daytona, Florida. Both school's founders were ICWDR members. Dickerson was on the board of the Frederick Douglass Memorial Association along with eight other ICWDR women; Burroughs, Carter, Stewart, Walker, Washington, Bethune, Josenberger, and Mary Waring. What we begin to observe then is that the women who joined the ICWDR belonged to an elite circle of African American women reformers who were extremely active in a broad array of civic organizations dedicated to racial uplift through education. Dickerson was one who was also involved in African American or inter-racial branches of white women's civic associations—the Y.W.C.A., the WILPF, and the National Council of Church Women. Melinda Plastas and Joyce Blackwell have detailed the frustrations and limitations Black women confronted as they tried to work within or alongside these predominantly white organizations.
Elected president of the ICWDR in August 1929, Dickerson was eager to make it a more vital and broadly focused body.  Evidence of her desire to broaden the work of the ICWDR, she arranged for Council members to attend the November 1929 Pan-African Congress in New York and wrote to W.E.B. Du Bois with the request that he offer to talk with them about it. Du Bois did agree to talk to the ICWDR in 1929. Alice Dunbar-Nelson recorded the meeting in her diary on November 5, 1929. After attending sessions at the meeting of the National Council of Women during the day, she went "uptown to 'Y' for supper conference Council of Women of Darker Races. Du Bois speaking about Pan African. . . . Quite a meeting." Dickerson hoped to expand the educational program the Council had begun in 1922 by enlisting Nannie Burroughs to help her put together a pamphlet with photographs to publicize the Council and give direction to their members. Though Dickerson was eager to include photographs and other materials outlining the Council's educational programs, no such ambitious pamphlet materialized. Dickerson did produce a leaflet toward the end of 1929 with an updated set of purposes, a revamped description of the membership requirements and a program for 1929-1930.
The leaflet noted seven "Purposes," three of which continued to emphasize the same basic educational focus the group had from its inception. But added to the Council's "Purposes" was a more concrete set of actions and political stances that included: publishing educational material, uniting with other national and international peace and world fellowship organizations, working against discriminatory class legislation of all kinds on account of race or color, emphasizing world peace as a corollary to civilization, and denouncing "the inconsistency between ideals and acts of governments and religions."
This leaflet announced that membership was now open to "any woman active and officially connected with a national organization" whose goals were consistent with those of the ICWDR. Membership dues were reduced to $10.00 per year, presumably to make the organization more accessible and attract more members. Moreover, funds were to be earmarked specifically for propaganda and publicity. The 1929-1930 action agenda was to sponsor one study dealing with a vital problem affecting the interest of the darker races, hold one meeting in New York City, and send one representative to Geneva. Dickerson did go to Geneva in 1929 though her activities there are unknown.
Dickerson continued her efforts to keep the ICWDR alive throughout the 1930s. The Council convened meetings in conjunction with NACW annual meetings in 1930, 1933, 1934 and 1935. In 1933, three representatives of the Council—Dickerson, Hunton, and Burroughs—joined a WILPF delegation meeting with the Secretary of State concerning the possibility of a U.S. intervention in Liberia. A few details emerge from documents pertaining to the Council's activities in 1934 and 1935. Most interesting for 1934 is that WILPF asked the Council to send a representative to their September meeting in Zurich but the ICWDR decided to send no one and instead asked Mildred Scott Olmstead to represent them there. Later that year Dickerson suggested that the group plan to send a Council member as part of WILPF's "Good Will" commission to Latin American. This plan never materialized.
The Council arranged to meet at the annual gathering of the YMCA in Washington, D. C. in December 1938. This was the Council's last known meeting. No details about the content of this meeting have survived, but of interest is that the Council's new letterhead had been streamlined by dropping the long membership list from the right hand margin, leaving only the ICWDR officers on the sheet (Hunton, Dickerson, Burroughs, Josenberger, Carter, and Marion Wilkerson). This may mean that the list had grown too long to include all the members, but given the fact that the Council ceased to exist in 1940, it is more likely the list shrank or the Council didn't want to pay for the extra print. In 1939 the last references to the Council appeared in the minutes on the National Council of Negro Women in which ICWDR president Addie Dickerson served as treasurer and ICWDR member Mary McCleod Bethune, as President. The November 4, 1939 minutes included a resolution in appreciation of the work of the ICWDR and expressed a determination that the NCNW follow in the footsteps of the Council by "placing special emphasis on interpreting the status of the Negro woman internationally." This resolution was one of eighteen resolutions passed at the meeting. When president Addie Dickerson died in 1940, so did the ICWDR. No member stepped up to lead the organization.
In the end, the leading figures of the ICWDR were all extremely active players in the national community of Black reformers and educators with a blossoming interest in international affairs. They were keenly interested in the connections between U.S. and European imperialism and racial inequality at home and abroad. Because they belonged to more established reform organizations it was often more expedient for them to do work consistent with the goals and ideas of the fledgling ICWDR under the auspices of those larger national and international organizations, particularly the NACW and WILPF. Its original intent to remain small and elite limited its potential influence. Finally, many of its members had heavy administrative responsibilities in educational institutions. As a result of these factors, the ICWDR never really developed the institutional structure that might have ensured its efficacy, continued existence, or growth. Nevertheless, the group did occupy a unique niche in African American women's reform circles in that, as a group, its members framed their pursuit of racial uplift and racial justice in an international perspective.
 Margaret Murray Washington, untitled account of origins of the ICWDR, November 10, 1924, Box 102-12, folder 238, Mary Church Terrell (hereafter MCT) papers, Moorland-Spingarn Research Center, Howard University, Washington D.C. (hereafter, MSRC); Release, "International Council of Women of the Darker Races of the World," August 20, 1923, MCT Papers, Library of Congress, container 20-21, Reel 14, Papers of MCT, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington D.C. (hereafter LOC); The group dropped the "of the World" from its name after 1924, and I will follow the group's predominant usage in this essay.
 Addie Dickerson to Mary Church Terrell, June 21, 1930, Reel 6, Papers of Mary Church Terrell, LOC, Washington, D.C.; Addie Dickerson to Mary Church Terrell, December 10, 1934, Reel 7, Papers of Mary Church Terrell, LOC; These two letters are typed on handsome letterhead that includes a list of the officers and the American membership down the right margin of the page. The membership list is identical on both the 1930 and 1934 letterhead suggesting no growth in the membership or perhaps rather that the organization was not active enough to warrant ordering updated letterhead.
 Constitution, Papers of MCT, LOC; Margaret Murray Washington to Mary Church Terrell, July 24, 1923, Papers of MCT papers, LOC; Margaret Murray Washington to Mary Church Terrell, August 20, 1923, Papers of MCT, LOC.
 Mrs. M.E. Josenberger to Margaret Murray Washington, December 20, 1924, Box 102-12, Folder 240, MCT Papers, MSRC; Janie Porter Barrett to Margaret Murray Washington, February 12, 1925, Box 102-12, Folder 240, MCT papers, MSRC;
 Lisa G. Materson, "African American Women's Global Journeys and the construction of Cross-ethnic Racial Identity," Women's Studies International Forum 32 (2009): 37-38.
 Materson, "African American Women's Global Journeys," 36.
 P. Olisanwuche Esedebe, Pan-Africanism: The Idea and Movement, 1776-1991, Second Edition, (Washington, D.C.: Howard University Press, 1994), 3, 5, 6, 54, 64-66; Several references in this study to a J.E. Casely-Hayford of Sierra Leone suggest a connection to the Adelaide Casely-Hayford of Sierra Leone who in 1924 received one hundred dollars from the ICWDR to help establish a girl's school and was elected the ICWDR V.P. for Africa in 1922.
 Michelle Rief, " 'Banded Close Together': An Afrocentric Study of African American Women's International Activism, 1850-1940, and the International Council of Women of the Darker Races," Ph.D. diss., Temple University, (2003); Michelle Rief, "Thinking Locally, Acting Globally: The International Agenda of African American Clubwomen, 1880-1940," Journal of African American History (2004), 89, 203-222.
 Mary Church Terrell, "The International Congress of Women: Recently Held in Berlin, Germany," The Voice of the Negro, October 1904; Mary Church Terrell, "Address to be Delivered at the International Congress of Women in Berlin, Germany, June 13, 1904."
 Materson, "African American Women's Global Journeys," 40; Rief, "Banded Close Together," 206-08; Rief, "Thinking Locally, Acting Globally," 218.
"The International Council of Women of the Darker Races of the World," p. 4.; "Colored Women's International Council," The Southern Workman 52, January 1923 (Hampton Institute). [this published document repeats the 1922 document found in Terrell's papers…we might add this to our document list though since it comes from a dated published source and can help establish the date and location of the 1922 meeting]
 Margaret Murray Washington to Dear Friend, November 9, 1922, Papers of MCT, Microfilm Reel 5, LOC, Washington, D.C.; Mary Church Terrell to Margaret Murray Washington, November 13, 1922, Papers of MCT, Reel 5, LOC; Emily H. Williams to Margaret Murray Washington, December 12, 1922.
Mary Jackson McCrorey to Margaret Murray Washington, September 18, 1922 and Lugenia Hope to Margaret Murray Washington, September 21, 1922, Folder 239, MCT Papers, MSRC.
 Mary Church Terrell, undated, "An Outline for a Study Program on Race Relations," Reel 14, Papers of MCT, LOC.
 Rief, "Banded Close Together," 165-67; "Colored Women's International Council," The Southern Workman 52, (January 1923), 7-10.
 "International Council of Women of the Darker Races of the World," ; the document itself is not dated but the document is grouped with materials from 1922. Moreover, Mary Talbert appears to have attended and been chosen to head a committee at this meeting whereas she was not able to attend the founding meeting in 1923 because of illness caused by a "severe heart attack" that caused her to be confined to bed from June 10 until her death on October 16, 1923; Mary B. Talbert to Dear Co-Workers, July 21, 1923, Box 102-12, folder 239-240, MSRC.
 Margaret Murray Washington to Mary Church Terrell, October 4, 1924, Reel 5, Papers of MCT, LOC.
 Nannie Burroughs to Margaret Murray Washington, Circa 1925, Folder 240, MCT Papers, MSRC; note this letter is undated but must have been written sometime shortly before Washington's death in June 1925 since Burroughs clearly had not yet learned of her passing.
 Jean Blackwell Hutson, "Addie D. Waites Hunton," in Edward T. James, ed., Notable American Women: a Biographical Dictionary, Vol. 2, (Cambridge: The Belknap Press of Harvard University, 1971), 240-241.
 Joyce Blackwell, No Peace without Freedom: Race and the Women's International League for Peace and Freedom, 1915-1975 (Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 2004), 68-73; Mary Church Terrell to Addie Hunton, March 27, 1929, Reel 6, Papers of MCT, LOC; Addie Hunton to My dear Lady Mollie [M. C. Terrell], February 9, 1929, Reel 6, Papers of MCT, LOC.
 Arlene Clift-Pellow, "Addie Whiteman Dickerson, 1878-?," in Jessie Carney Smith, ed., Notable Black American Women, Volume 2 (New York: Gale Research, 1996), 182-84; Melinda Plastas, A Band of Noble Women: Racial Politics in the Women's Peace Movement (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1911), 154-55.
 Arlene Clift-Pellow, "Addie Whiteman Dickerson, 1878-?," (1996), 184.
 Clift-Pellow, "Addie Whiteman Dickerson," 184; Mary Talbert to the International Council of Women of the Darker Races, July 21, 1923.
 Blackwell, No Peace Without Freedom; Plastas, A Band of Noble Women.
 "Double Honors: Mrs. Addie Dickerson," The Philadelphia Tribune, August 9, 1929, p. 1.
 Addie W. Dickerson to W. E. B. Du Bois, November 6, 1929, W. E. B. Du Bois Papers (Ms 312) Special Collections and University Archives, University of Massachusetts Amherst Libraries. [available online at Special Collections and University Archives: W.E.B. Du Bois Library ]
 Gloria T. Hull, ed., Give Us Each Day: The Diary of Alice Dunbar-Nelson (New York: W.W. Norton, 1984), 336.
 Rief, "Banded Close Together,"196; Addie Dickerson to Nannie Burroughs, May 29, 1929 and Addie Dickerson to Nannie Burroughs, June 22, 1929, both in Nannie Burroughs Papers, Container 7, LOC.
 [ICWDR Leaflet], n. d., in Herbert Aptheker, A Documentary History of the Negro People in the United States, 1910-1932 (Secaucus: The Citadel Press, 1973), 616-18; the authenticity of the document has not been verified.
 [ICWDR Leaflet], 617.
 [ICWDR Leaflet], 617-18; Addie Dickerson to Nannie Burroughs, October 14, 1929, Container 7, Nannie Burroughs Papers, LOC.
 Rief, "Banded Close Together," 203; "Mrs. A. Dickerson Re-elected to Head Council of Women," Philadelphia Tribune, August 10, 1933, 7.
 Minutes of the National Council of Negro Women, November 4, 1939, p. 7, Series 2, Box 1, Folder 5, National Council of Negro Women Records, National Archives for Black Women's History, Washington, D.C.